Exploring Directive Speech Acts in Elementary School Communication in Kolaka: Language Pedagogy Implications

This sociopragmatics study aims to investigate the various types of directive speech acts and the markers of local wisdom in the communication of elementary students in Kolaka. The research design employed is qualitative descriptive, chosen for its ability to describe the types of directive speech acts and the manifestation of local wisdom within the context of elementary school students. The participants in this study consisted of elementary school students from Kolaka Regency. Data were collected through non-participant observation, and the analysis followed qualitative data procedures based on the interactive model developed by Miles and Huberman, which involved data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. The findings revealed four types of directive speech acts commonly used by elementary school students: demanding, commanding, begging, and challenging. These directive speech acts were found to be influenced by the cultural context, specifically manifested through the use of clitics. The clitics -ko, -mi, - ka, -hae, and -na were identified as significant markers of the local wisdom in the communication of elementary students, observed in utterances such as lihatko, ayomi, pindahko, biarmi, siniko, and jemputna. These clitics not only serve as markers of cultural identity but also indicate different levels of politeness in communication. Further implications for language teaching practices are also discussed.


Introduction
speaks. Moreover, pragmatics examines the purposes of speakers' utterances as well as their contexts. As a fundamental consideration, context is required to explain the meaning of speech. In other words, for their interlocutors to understand the message that will be conveyed, speakers must have a specific purpose in speech. The speech act is used to understand how to say utterances and how to act on them (Kurniawati, 2022).
The speech act is divided into three types, elocutionary, illocutionary, and perlocutionary. Austin (1975) states that elocutionary is the art of saying something with a certain grammatical structure and semantic content. The elocutionary speech act can also be considered an act of communicating and stating the conditions the speaker wants to convey to interlocutors (Austin, 1993). In contrast to elocutionary, illocutionary speech act performs something based on what is stated. It refers to the intended meaning behind an utterance such as the speaker's intention in saying something. According to , illocutionary can include assertive, directive, commissive, expressive, and declarative. Perlocunionary act means the effect of an utterance on the listener/hearer such as the impact that an utterance has on the listener's thoughts, feelings, or actions.
The notion of DSA can be used to understand how people in different cultures and societies use language to achieve their goals, including directing the behavior of others. By examining the cultural and social norms that shape these communication patterns, we can gain insights into local wisdom and understand how people in a given community navigate social relationships and interactions. The following section discusses some previous studies which examine the use of DSA in different contexts.
Previous studies on directive speech acts Some researchers have mainly been interested in questions concerning DSA in the context of local wisdom. A study conducted by Suryanto and Rusdi (2020) investigated the use of DSA in the context of Javanese culture. The study suggested that in Javanese culture, the use of DSA is often indirect and non-confrontational, and these speech acts are typically uttered to express respect and maintain social harmony. The study also implied that the use of DSA varies depending on factors such as social status, age, and gender. Furthermore, a study carried out by Manik and Hutagaol (2015) investigating the teachers' politeness strategies and implications on students' compliance found that the effects of politeness strategies on students' compliance were influenced by positive emotions and pragmatic competencies of students.
Another study by Prayitno, Huda, Inayah, Ermanto, Ardi, Giyoto, & Yusof (2021) examined the politeness of DSA posted on social media and its implications for the development of students' character. The study indicated that the forms of DSA comments in social media responding to the government policy were DSA of suggesting, criticizing, reminding, appealing, and calling. The study also implied that Indonesian netizens had a positive trend to use politeness strategies in commenting input to the government. These studies provide evidence to indicate that the use of directive speech acts is closely tied to cultural values, beliefs, and politeness, and these speech acts are often used to maintain social harmony and to support students' positive interactions. However, much uncertainty still exists about the forms of clitics to express DSA and how these clitics reflect the local wisdom of the Tolaki-Mekongga community.

Research design
This study is qualitative research that adopts an ethnography of communication approach. It employs both pragmatic and ethnographic perspectives to examine specific local conditions, particularly focusing on the use of directive speech acts and politeness principles observed between students, students to teachers, and students to parents. Not all elements of utterance are utilized to elaborate on the issues investigated in this study. The research perspective emphasizes the communicative design based on contextual language usage with social communicative function (Bababayli & Kızıltan, 2020). Context plays a crucial role in facilitating pragmatic analysis within this study.
The study incorporates both extralinguistic and linguistic contexts. Extralinguistic context refers to socio-cultural factors, while linguistic context pertains to the specific language used. According to Praag, Stevens, and Houtte (2017), achieving communication goals requires the use of utterance strategies and interpretation. In this study, a socio-pragmatic approach is employed to analyze the ethnography of communication. The focus is on interpreting local language directive speech acts strategies, types, and clitic forms as DSA markers, and meaning with local languages in specific contexts. The analysis takes into account the perspectives of locutors, interlocutors, social status, and culture. Data collection involves participant observation, including recording, note-taking, and interviews. The collected data is then analyzed using an interactive technique proposed by Miles and Huberman. Participants and data collection This research was conducted over a duration of two months at an elementary school located in Kolaka. The primary focus of the study was to investigate the communication patterns exhibited by students within the school environment. The data collected comprised of utterances containing directive speech acts expressed by elementary students. To ensure accurate data collection, a series of observations were conducted by the researchers. These observations specifically targeted elementary students aged between 5 and 9 years, examining their interactions with peers, teachers, and parents. In order to maintain the natural flow of communication without any disruptions, a nonparticipant observation method was chosen. The researchers utilized an audio recorder discreetly positioned to record the students' utterances, allowing for covert observation without raising any awareness. Additionally, the researchers made use of note-taking techniques to capture specific and noteworthy utterances.

Data analysis
The data analysis in this study followed an interactive model proposed by Miles and Huberman (2014), which encompasses three essential components: data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. During the data reduction phase, the researchers carefully selected and simplified the most pertinent data for inclusion in the study. Subsequently, the data were presented in the form of conversations to ensure that the contextual information is readily interpretable. This approach enables a comprehensive understanding of the data and facilitates the exploration of meaningful insights within the research findings.

Results
The research findings revolve around two main aspects concerning directive speech acts (DSA) in students' communication at the elementary school level. These aspects include the types and markers of directive speech acts and the incorporation of local wisdom within speech acts. This study identified four types of directive speech acts such as demanding, commanding, begging, and challenging.
Directive speech act of demanding The following conversation exemplifies this type of speech act in elementary school: The speech act took place in front of the school gate on the street. Student 2 had arrived at school on a motorcycle driven by his father. Upon disembarking, Student 2 encountered Student 1 and realized that he had forgotten his mask at home. Recognizing the urgency of the situation, Student 1 instructed Student 2 to inform his father immediately. Complying with the directive, Student 2 promptly communicated to his father that he had forgotten his mask.
Student 2's utterance, "Pak maskerku" (Dad, my mask), constitutes a directive speech act of demanding, as it conveys a mandatory requirement. Student 2 is allowed to enter the school premises only if this requirement is fulfilled. Responding to the request, the father promptly returned to their house to retrieve a mask for Student 2.

Directive speech acts of commanding
The collected data reveals distinct characteristics of the directive speech acts of commanding, including the following: (1) normative, (2) requesting, (3) permitting, and (4) inviting. The following data exemplify instances of the directive speech act of commanding observed in the students' communication The provided communication includes instances of commanding directive speech acts with a normative character, as exemplified by "sudah-sudahmi kotanya itu sabosan." The commanding directive speech act of normative nature is indicated by a command and is expressed through the clitic marker "-mi," which aligns with the meaning of "-lah." Furthermore, this speech act is supported by the preceding situation involving Student 1's search for their cell phone and Student 2's involvement. Student 2 was well aware of the situation, which prompted them to safeguard the cell phone due to a rule prohibiting its use during the learning process The provided communication also includes commanding directive speech acts of requesting, as exemplified by Student 1's utterance, "kasika pale kodong." This statement is intended to ask Student 2 and other friends to give Student 1 a cell phone. The request was directed by Student 1 to the individuals present around the gazebo. From the given speech, it can be understood that there is a distinction between commanding directive speech acts of normative nature and commanding directive speech acts of requesting. In the normative speech act, the relationship between the speaker and the interlocutor is not focused on a specific object. However, in the case of requesting, there is a specific object being asked for. In this speech, the object being requested refers to the cell phone owned by Student 1.
The differentiation between commanding directive speech acts of normative and requests can also be observed by considering the importance of ownership of specific objects. In Data 03, for example, the utterance "sudah-sudahmi kotanya itu sabosan" does not involve ownership. Instead, it focuses on the interlocutor's failure to comply with the command conveyed in the utterance. On the other hand, utterances like "kasika pale kodong" spoken by Student 1 are intended to request other students to provide something that belongs to Student 1. The element of ownership is specifically emphasized in this context, referring to a cellphone that was deliberately kept by one of Student 1's friends due to the ongoing learning process.
Another type of speech act present in the aforementioned communication is a commanding directive speech act of prohibiting, as exemplified by "jangko main HP kalau belajar" uttered by Student 2. This directive speech act can be recognized by the inclusion of the word "jangko" used by Student 2. The term "jangko" is a contraction of the phrase "jangan kau" (don't you) and is commonly understood and accepted in the Tolaki-Mekongga language.
Another expression of speech acts of commanding can be observed in the following utterances. The given conversation demonstrates commanding directive speech acts of inviting, exemplified by the following utterances: (1) bagus kalau kita masuk saja di kelas. (2) ayomi kita ikutimi ketuata, and (3) marimi temani saya kalau takutko sama ketua. In the first example, the commanding directive speech act of inviting is evident, emphasizing the inclusive pronoun "kita" (we), which implies an invitation involving multiple individuals. The use of "kita" conveys the idea of a collective action to enter the classroom. The class leader delivers these speech acts to both Friend 1 and Friend 2. The responses from the interlocutors differ. Initially, friend 1 refuses the class leader's invitation, providing a justification by stating that there is no teacher present yet.

Data 03
On the other hand, friend 2 accepts the invitation and even attempts to persuade Friend 1 to join as well. Initially, friend 1 maintains their refusal, but after a second invitation, they accept, albeit with certain conditions. Another commanding directive speech act of inviting can be observed in the conversation, specifically highlighted by the marker "ayomi." This utterance was spoken by Student 2, directing the invitation toward Student 1. The response from Student 1 initially involved rejection, with the intention of delaying or wasting time. However, after being persistently urged by Student 2, Student 1 eventually accepted the invitation, albeit with certain conditions attached The directive speech act of inviting in data 03 reflects the influence of local wisdom from the Tolaki-Mekongga community, evident through the utilization of linguistic forms such as hae, pale, -mi, -ta, -pi, and -ko. Morphologically, these forms do not carry independent meanings but serve as markers that can be attached to the end or beginning of base words, depending on their distribution. However, the forms -mi, pale, and hae have specific constraints. The form -mi can only be appended to the end of a word, while pale and hae function as standalone words without inherent meanings. Although these forms lack individual semantic content, they play a crucial role in shaping the commanding directive speech act of inviting. Their usage is deeply ingrained within the local wisdom of the Tolaki-Mekongga community, particularly within the context of communication in elementary school settings. These linguistic conventions hold significant familiarity and relevance to the community, facilitating effective and culturally appropriate expressions of invitations.

Directive speech act of begging
The following is a Student communication that contains the directive speech act of begging. The given utterances exemplify the commanding directive speech acts of begging, specifically observed in statements like (1) "saya mohon kasian teman" (please help me) and (2) "saya mohonpi kasian" (please, help me). These utterances were expressed by Student 1, who consistently engages in such behavior. However, his friends attempt to shield him from his parents' awareness. Student 1's plea through the directive speech act of begging aims to conceal his habit of skipping classes. Nevertheless, Student 2 and Friend 1 resist complying with the request. Student 1's pattern of absenteeism recurs frequently, with each instance leading to attempts at concealment. However, his parents are already aware of his actions. At this point, his friends are no longer willing to cover up for him as they have become the recipients of his parents' anger whenever they hide his mistakes. The aforementioned utterances exemplify the commanding directive speech act of begging, expressed by a female student using the phrases "tolongna, simpankanka tempat duduk dekat bu guru" (please, save the seat near the teacher). The female student specifically requested Student 1 and Student 2 to assist her. The purpose of her request was for Student 1 to reserve the seat near the teacher's desk on her behalf. This request was prompted by the prevailing situation in her classroom, where the seat near the teacher's desk was consistently sought after by high-achieving students. On that particular day, the female student was unable to secure the desired seat near the teacher's desk due to her obligation to wait for her parents to bring her lunch. In order to secure the coveted seat, she pleaded with her friends to place her bag on the designated table as a way of reserving the spot for her. The student's request was influenced by her desire to maintain a favorable seating arrangement despite her temporary absence from the classroom Directive speech act of challenging The following are some utterances for this purpose. The utterances above can be considered directive speech acts of challenging such as; (1) pagimu jam berapa teman? (this utterance from Student 2 challenges Students 1 by asking what time he wakes up in the morning), (2) samain gem. Jago lawanku, (Friend 1 challenges Student 1 by stating his opponent is a skilled gaming player (3) janganmi ribut-ribut. Tambah lama lagi (Friend 1 Challenges Student 1 to stop making noise and causing further delay), and (4) itumi tantanganya. Janganmi pale komain (that's the challenge, do not play instead).
The utterances spoken by Student 2 and Friend 1 intended to challenge Student 1 to wake up earlier because they go to school in the morning. However, this time the interlocutor came at 09:00, but he said it was still early. The directive speech act of challenging above is positive in nature. In this case, Student 2 and Friend 1 tried to give challenges to Student 1, such as (1) playing a game requires certain techniques and skills in order to win, (2) keeping in mind that he is a student. Therefore, he has to remember to wake up early, (3) There is a solution given for all challenges, if he does not want to face challenges, it is better to just stop playing games. Those are how to solve the problem.
The directive speech acts of challenging the previous utterances are accompanied by clitics, which are considered a form of local wisdom in the students' communication. These clitics include -ko, sa-, -mi, and pale. These forms can either stand alone or be attached to Indonesian base words. Although these forms do not have specific semantic meanings, they serve a particular purpose in communication. The presence of these clitics reflects the rich understanding and utilization of local wisdom in the elementary school environment of Kolaka Regency. These linguistic elements contribute to the distinctiveness and cultural context of the student's communication. By incorporating these clitics in their speech acts, the students reinforce their shared understanding and adherence to the local wisdom prevalent in their community.

Discussion
The research revealed two things related to DSA in Students' elementary school communication in Kolaka. The two things are (1) types and markers of directive speech acts and (2) forms of local wisdom in speech acts. The types and markers of speech acts are based on the classification proposed by Rahardi (2005), distinguishing DSA into five categories; directive demanding, directive commanding, directive begging, directive advising, and, directive challenging. In addition, the student's communication at elementary school in the educational environment of Kolaka is marked by the clitics -ko, -mi, -ka, and -na, which are attached to the directives of demanding, ordering, begging, advising, and challenging. It is also considered a form of local wisdom in Students' communication. However, the directive speech acts identified in this study include the directive speech act of demanding, commanding, begging, and challenging.

Directive speech act of demanding
The speech in data 01 contains forms of local wisdom attached to Indonesian words, such as; -ko, -pi, -na, -ta, and -mi. These clitics express directive speech acts of demanding because the speaker requires the interlocutor to do what he wishes. This is in line with the study conducted by Prayitno et al. (2021) indicating that DSA of demanding requires the interlocutor to fulfill what the speaker wants so that the speaker tries with all his power to get something. Some of these clitic forms above are attached to the beginning of Indonesian words, and some are at the end. For example -ko in the word tanyako and -ko in the word kotaru. The form is still similarly understood, only the attachment position is different. In addition, -ko is always contrasted with the clitic -ki. Both forms are understood differently in Tolaki-Mekongga culture. These clitic forms may represent social status in society (Leech, 2014). The speakers use -ko form in its distribution with the same social status level or higher than interlocutors. In contrast, the -ki form is used by speakers whose social status is lower than the interlocutor. Although the two clitic forms have no clear boundaries in their distribution, among the language user community there is still an understanding of the social life of the Tolaki-Mekongga community (Kaufman, 2008).

Directive speech acts of commanding
Data 02 and 03 found within the students' communication indicate some characteristics of the directive speech acts of commanding, such as; (1) normative, (2) requesting, (3) permitting, (4) inviting. The speech acts can be found in the forms of clitics such as clitics -pi, ko-, -mi, sa-,ka, pale, kodong, -ko, and -ji. Some of the clitics are attached to the beginning of the base word, and some are attached to the end of the base word. In addition, some words are morphologically independent but semantically meaningless. These clitics can function as emphasizers in commanding directive speech. The data above imply that the DSA of commanding involves the speaker's request to the interlocutor to take action according to his/her will. In practice, it is included commands or orders that are harsh and also subtle (Suhartini & Wulansari, 2015). This type of speech act can be interpreted as an act of giving permission to the interlocutor to do something or a condition for something to happen and as an act of requesting the interlocutor (Kasim, 2016). In addition, this speech act can turn into an act of permitting or inviting the interlocutor for certain reasons or considerations (Kasim, 2016).

Directive speech act of begging
The utterances in data 04 and 05 indicate the directive speech act of begging. It aims to ask someone to do something that the speaker expects respectfully. This speech is usually addressed to a respected person (Leech, 2014). This kind of speech act is supported by the speech forms, which are more polite and more subtle and it is not only used to honor the interlocutor but also used to express regret for an action (Leech, 2014). These speech acts can be marked by the word tolong and followed by -na as a marker of local wisdom Tolaki-Mekongga. Morphologically -na can be equated with the form-lah. This form is understood as a bound morpheme (Kazemian & Hashemi (2014). It is attached to the base form tolong. Semantically, this form has no meaning. However, -lah is very influential in forming directive speech acts of begging.
Directive speech act of challenging Data 07 indicates the directive speech acts of challenging attached to clitics -ko, sa-, -mi, and pale. Some forms stand alone, while others are attached to Indonesian base words, for example ''Janganmi pale komain'' [do not play then]. Semantically, these forms have no meaning but have a certain purpose. These forms are commonly uttered by students in daily conversation to express the speech act of challenging. Lohse et al. (2014) in their study note that DSA of challenge makes the interlocutor do a competition, do obligation, and conquer something. They also suggested that this directive speech act, in reality, can be positive and negative. Competition in positive terms can encourage the speaker and the interlocutor to achieve their goals. In practice, both compete with each other to achieve their goals. In negative terms, challenging directive speech acts can harm the speaker and the interlocutor and sometimes even trick each other into achieving their goals.

Local wisdom in DSA and its language pedagogy implications
In the Tolaki-Mekongga community, clitics serve as markers that differentiate the level of politeness in communication. The clitic -ko is used when addressing interlocutors who are perceived as younger, lower in social status, or ruder. On the other hand, the clitic -ki is reserved for interlocutors who are older, higher in social status, or more refined. Similarly, the clitic -na is used to address interlocutors who fall into the same categories as -ki, and -mi is used in both neutral and hierarchical communication contexts. The presence of these clitics in directive speech acts, such as "nda lihatko" (don't look), "pindah-pindahki" (move around), "jangki" (don't do it), "jemputna" (pick me up), "biarmi" (let it be), and "ayomi pale" (let's do it), indicates that the speakers are conscious of maintaining politeness in their communication. By attaching these clitics, the speaker adheres to cultural norms and demonstrate respect for social hierarchies. The use of these clitics reflects the culture and communication practices of the Kolaka-Mekongga community, which have been passed down through generations. These linguistic features are deeply embedded in their speech patterns and contribute to the maintenance of politeness in their interactions.
The results of this study have implications for language learning in the classroom. These implications specifically relate to strengthening the Pancasila Student Profiles which encompass six dimensions; two of which are noble character and mutual cooperation (Marsidin, 2022). In practical terms, these implications can be observed through students' social attitudes, such as behaving politely when interacting with friends and teachers. Behaving politely in interactions relates to how students selectively use the clitics that express politeness such as -ko, -mi, -ka, and -na. These clitic forms are attached to directive speech acts of demanding, commanding, begging, advising, and challenging. Behaving politely in communication as part of the overall social attitudes competence has implications for student communication that considers spiritual values, knowledge, and skills as part of the overall core competencies in language learning in elementary schools.
Moreover, language educators should take note of the implications of this study. It highlights the importance of recognizing cultural awareness and incorporating authentic language material resources in order to enable learners to develop their pragmatic skills in their language. Additionally, it is crucial for language teachers to focus on enhancing learners' interpersonal skills and cultural sensitivity, enabling them to critically analyze language usage with awareness. In the current age of global technology, students are expected to cultivate a sense of collective unity and cohesion, fostering trust among themselves. This, in turn, promotes the development of social skills, empowers students in decision-making processes, nurtures their socio-spiritual talents, and instills strong character and intelligence (Prayitno et al., 2021).

Conclusion
This study concludes that the clitics -ko, -na, -ka, pale, and -mi hold significant cultural value within the Kolaka Regency community, being intricately associated with directive speech acts of demanding, commanding, begging, and challenging. These clitics have evolved as a distinct mode of communication shared among the community members in the Kolaka area. Furthermore, the findings suggest that these clitics not only serve as markers of cultural identity but also indicate different levels of politeness in communication. It is therefore recommended that elementary school students be encouraged to use clitic forms that embody politeness and courtesy, as this fosters the development of interpersonal skills and the maintenance of positive social relationships. In future research, it would be valuable to investigate the factors influencing the use of directive speech acts and clitics among elementary school students, as well as the extent to which students' social and cultural backgrounds influence their clitic usage. Additionally, a comprehensive approach that combines observations and in-depth interviews with teachers, parents, and students would shed further light on the complex pragmatic phenomena of directive speech acts in the context of elementary school communication.

Declaration of conflicting interest
The authors declare that there is no conflict of interest in this work.

Funding acknowledgment
The authors received no specific funding for this work.